Thursday, August 1, 2013

Latin America: Politically Unfinished and Unfulfilled?

By Olivia McQuillan on August 1, 2013

?Latin America is an Unfinished Construction, a Project to be Realised, an Unfulfilled Project Always Set on Our Horizons? (Arico). How Much Do You Consider Latin America to Still Be in a Process of Political Development?

According to the Argentine socialist thinker Jos? Aric? (1931-1991), Latin America is unfinished, unfulfilled, and its political potential has not yet been realised (Aric? in Munck 2003: 174). Yet, how do we compare Latin America?s political development? Should we contrast it with the West or ?is Latin America simply following a different path?? (Munch 2003: 170). Political development is understood in this essay to consider maturity, popularity, legitimacy and maintenance of political stability and order, with ?political support, institutional trust, regime consolidation and mass consent? (Power and Cyr 2010: 253) all integral to a highly developed political system. This essay does not presume democracy to be universally superior to other forms of government. However, it will consider Latin America?s turbulent history, and consequently immature and relatively inexperienced governments, to contribute to keeping Latin America in a process of political development. The very nature of politics requires that it is constantly evolving, maturing and developing and thus, Latin America is, like the rest of the world, still in a process of political development.

To consider whether Latin America is politically developed, one must question what the goal of development is, in order to ascertain whether Latin America has reached it.? This goal is surely a legitimate government that maintains order and is supported by the people. Power and Cyr (2010: 256) describe political legitimacy as ?the belief that in spite of shortcomings and failures, the existing political institutions are better than any others that might be established and that they therefore can demand obedience?. ?This essay will consider whether Latin America is still yet to achieve this goal.

According to modernisation theory, all countries are on a path to democracy, ?but some countries are further along than others? (Wilson Sokhey 2011: 82). This theory holds that economies modernise by transitioning from agricultural to industrial, resulting in urbanisation. As the population shifts from the countryside to urban living, people have more access to information, technology, and education. With a more educated populous, economic wealth increases; resulting in a growing middle class that begins to participate more in politics and make demands on their leaders and government; ?ultimately, the resulting changes in mass political behaviour make the emergence and survival of democratic governments more likely? (Wilson Sokhey 2011: 82). This theory suggests that ?economic development leads to social and cultural changes that alter the political behaviour of citizens and ultimately result in democratic government? (Wilson Sokhey 2011: 82). According to modernisation theory, it is economic development that initiates political development and thus, one cannot be without the other.

Latin America?s experience with economic development influencing political development is varied. Argentina?s economic progress in the 1800s and early 1900s grew to a level where ?Argentina had attained levels of prosperity and political stability comparable to the USA and leading European countries? (Williamson 2009: 459), and was considered amongst the ten richest countries in the world (Munck 2003: 96). With this economic development came an increased political stability and its ?politics, which had once been so anarchic appeared to have been contained broadly within constitutional norms? (Williamson 2009: 279). This example is in keeping with the theory of modernisation. However critiques of modernisation theory have been made, suggesting that economic development is not alone sufficient to bring about political development.

Evidence of a state?s economic growth is not necessarily felt nationwide; ?excessive inequality may hamper citizens? ability to participate and may encourage development of institutions dominated by a few powerful elite rather than an active civil society? (Wilson Sokhey 2011: 87).? Latin America suffers a widening gap between rich and poor, and thus, the consolidation, or even maintenance, of democracy is challenged by increasing social inequality (Munck 2003: 42). Economic development needs to be considered more holistically, considering whether the wider benefits of economic growth affect the population equally or if some are left behind. The recent global economic crisis has been significant for Latin America, but even before this ?Latin America was already the world?s most inequality-beset region? (Toleda 2010: 7). This inequality is associated with unequal access to education and with social tensions; it affects the population?s willingness to be involved in politics and thus prevents political development. An educated population is central to ?every case of a successful and equal development process, in both economic and political terms? (De Ferranti et al. 2004: 178). Huntington (1968: 5) argues that social and economic change is essential for political development; ?urbanization, increases in literacy and education, industrialization, mass media expansion ?extend political consciousness, multiply political demands and broaden political participation?. Wiada (1989: 75-76) notes the correlation between literacy levels, economic development and democracy, however warns that correlations do not necessarily imply causal relationships. In the 1960s ?a wave of military coups swept the civilian democratic governments out of power, greater literacy?did not lead to democracy?.

This wave of military governments taking power across Latin America in the 1960s left seventeen of the twenty Latin American countries under military authoritarian rule by the late 1970s. However, this quickly reversed. By the late 1980s, sixteen of the then twenty-one countries (with a newly independent Belize), and over ninety percent of the population, were either democracies or en route to democracy (Wiada 1989: 76). This period in Latin America?s history mirrors the cyclical hypothesis which holds that:

?neither authoritarianism nor democratic models have been able to generate widespread consent and thus they have continually yielded to one another without generating a lasting political order? (Power and Cyr 2010: 254).

This lack of political continuity and political and social order supports the idea that Latin America continues to be in a process of political development. However, despite this cyclical exchange between democracy and autocracy, the pattern is firmly towards stability and democracy.

The ?nationalist social and political movement? of General Juan Per?n in Argentina was, although ?quite authoritarian? (Munck 2003: 104), popular. Following his death in 1974 and after the presidency was passed briefly to his wife, Isabel, a state of emergency was declared in November 1974 as the country struggled with a stricken economy; initiating the ?dirty war?. The ?anti-subversive net widened arbitrarily to take in students, lawyers, journalists, trade-unionists and anyone suspected of aiding the guerrillas? (Williamson 2009: 476). Jos? Aric? left the country, escaping to Mexico fearing that, as a left-wing government critic, he would be in line to face the ?illicit death squad as people were made to ?disappear?? (Williamson 2009: 476). Munck (2003: 38) describes the dramatic democratic stage in Argentina in 1983 as ?the military dictators retreated due to the double impact of defeat in the 1981/82 Malvinas/Falklands military adventure and growing unpopularity and discontent at home?.

Argentina?s strengthening democracy contrasts with Mexico, which is emerging as a ?post-revolutionary state, more integrated with globalization but not necessarily more democratic? (Munck 2003: 41). Mexico?s current ruling political party, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), were in power continually for seventy-one years. The ?monopoly of power enjoyed by the PRI neutralized opposition so effectively that virtually omnipotent presidents became unaccountable to the electorate? (Williamson 2009: 409). Alleged corruption and ballot-rigging plagued their years in power, however, by the 1990s, opposition parties, such as The National Action Party (Partido Acci?n Nacional, PAN), had gained sufficient popularity that ballot-rigging no longer seemed feasible. Gradually ?by the 1990s, experts cautiously began to describe Mexico as a country ?in transition? to democracy? (Shirk 2005: 1). After seventy-one years in continual power, the PRI were defeated in the 2000 presidential election by Vicente Fox, the PAN electoral candidate. With this defeat came expectations of strengthened democracy and an end to ?decades of corrupt and authoritarian rule by the PRI? (Shirk 2005: 1). The 2000 elections have been widely viewed as ?the quintessential and definitive moment of Mexico?s transition? (Shirk 2005: 2). However, in 2012, the Mexican people voted back to power the PRI, the party who had run a ?corruption-riddled, authoritarian system for much of the twentieth century? (Flores-Mac?as 2013: 128). Despite 12 years out of power, the ?PRIs return is likely to reinvigorate several features of the old regime that the transition of 2000 never uprooted, potentially representing a setback for Mexico?s young democracy? (Flores-Mac?as 2013: 128). The fact that the Mexican people have voted into power a party that lead them in authoritarian rule for seven decades is surprising. However, the peaceful turnover of power in 2012, which contrasts with the bitter protests in 2006, ?stands as a welcome sign that democracy is maturing and the principle of electoral accountability is gaining ground? (Flores-Mac?as 2013: 128). In this sense, Mexico remains in a process of political development but is evidently firmly on the road to a consolidated democracy.

Poverty has been considered to be a significant barrier to political development and democratic growth. In 2000 it was estimated that ?thirty-five percent of Latin America?s households were officially ?poor? and a further fifteen percent were ?extremely poor??. Poverty and inequality contribute to a difficult political environment, and ?the odds of a country remaining democratic are higher in richer countries? (Wilson Sokhey 2011: 82). A poor population can impact development but as can a poor government. Underfunded governments risk failing to attract talented people to policymaking. This can result in human capital flight, putting the country further behind on the road to development (Solimano 2005: 47). Aristotle noted that democracy would struggle in a society with high levels of poverty (Aristotle, in Wilson Sokhey 2011: 81). Toleda explains this by suggesting that rich countries are more easily politically ?cohesive and moderate than poor ones? (Toleda 2010: 7). In the absence of tangible economic improvements, citizens grow apathetic towards politics and ?grow dangerously ready to forfeit their human rights and their country?s liberal-democratic safeguards to a strongman who promises immediate results? (Toleda 2010: 8). Despite the growing inequalities, since the 1980s Latin America has seen a deepening of democracy, or at least there has been no clear-cut case of democratic reversal. ?Expectations of democracy have not been met, but despite the people growing disaffected by their governments, there has not yet been a desire to return to authoritarian rule (Philip 2005: 208). Instead, there emerged by the 1990s a ?widespread disenchantment (descanto in Spanish) with democracy generally? (Munck 2003: 165).

Like the issue of inequality and poverty, the rule of law is also essential to achieve not only democracy, but also a stable and supported political system.? Munck maintains that:

??the rule of law (in Spanish estado de derecho) is generally deemed a prerequisite for democracy and good governance, it means, above all, that basic civil rights should apply equally to the whole population? (Munck 2003: 67).

With regard to Latin America, violence and a disregard for the rule of law remain a reality; ?the experience of violence has been ubiquitous and endemic for the poor in Latin America and not only under dictatorships? (Munck 2003: 68-69). In Mexico there is a deeply ingrained culture that the powerful are above the law, and the country has seen the killing of political opponents carried out with the collaboration of the state authorities (Munck 2003: 68-69). As recent as 2010, the nongovernmental organisation Human Rights Watch and the US Department of State claimed there remained grave examples of human rights abuses, including assassinations, kidnapping, physical violence, and arbitrary arrests resulting from a culture of impunity amongst the powerful and government corruption (Schatz 2011: 1-2).

When assessing the level of political development in Latin America, it is essential to make some comparisons with other states to acknowledge how politically developed the region is. However, such comparisons have been criticised as being ethnocentric and ?derived from the Western experience of development? (Wiarda 1989: 69). Having been established democracies for generations, the timing and sequences of political development in the West may not be replicable in Latin America today. Latin America faces very different problems in the twenty-first century than centuries past. Munck (2003: 165) argues that ?the main political challenge facing Latin America today is the question of governability in the era of globalization?. The ?web of dependency and interdependency? (Wiarda 1989: 70) makes it harder for states to become self-reliant and politically developed.

However, advances have been made for Latin America to increase its political cooperation with other developing regions such as Africa. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) facilitated a gathering in 2012 of Latin American and African ministers to increase ?South-South cooperation and exchanges? (Clark 2012). Both regions are heavily reliant on natural resources and can benefit from sharing each other?s experiences of political development. When compared with African development, Latin America is more politically developed. Over the last century, Africa has experienced ?slower growth of incomes, slower social development, more corruption and bureaucracy and more frequent civil wars? (Przeworski et al. 2000: 273) than Latin America; all of which act as barriers to real political development. In contrast, Latin America has seen a move towards political stability opening up the way for democracy and political development.

In Latin America, Argentina can be seen as a leader in terms of political development, a ?success story of neo-liberalism? (Munck 2003: 56), and ?a model reformer? (Daseking? et al. 2004: 1). However, its relative immaturity and lack of political development can be seen to explain the economic crisis in 2001, or their inability to foresee or predict the economic collapse. The monetary regime that pegged the peso one-to-one against the US dollar for more than a decade, and the propensity of politicians to spend and borrow too much, have largely been seen to explain the economic crisis (Schamis 2002: 81). With riots and police repression that cost thirty lives and defaulting on international debt, President Fernando de la R?a ultimately resigned, resulting in serial handovers of executive power with three interim presidents. Despite the chaos of 2001-2002, Argentina resolved ?a serious political crisis without violating the laws, procedures and institutions of the democratic process? (Schamis 2002: 90).

Consolidation is a term denoting the ?final stage of development where democracy becomes stable, immune to authoritarian reversal and self-reinforcing? (Schamis 2002: 89). ?Argentina?s response to economic crisis in 2001 in a democratic way ?should count as evidence of consolidation? (Schamis 2002: 90). Thus, Argentina should be considered politically developed. There is danger however, in suggesting any state is democratically consolidated or politically developed, as it prevents analysts from spotting early cracks in the political system. Schamis (2002: 89) gives the example of Venezuelan democracy in the 1980s: being seen as a consolidated democratic system ultimately prevented analysts from predicting its virtual breakdown in the early 1990s.

Huntington (1968) places political order above political development, controversially concluding that ?stable authoritarian systems would be preferable to unstable democratic ones? (Huntington 1968 in Wilson Sokhey 2011: 84). Huntington considers the growing gap between developed and underdeveloped countries and economies, and suggests that of equal concern should be the widening gap between developed political systems and underdeveloped political systems (Huntington 1968: 2). Thus, whether Latin America remains in a process of political development is of perennial concern. The road to democracy in Latin America has been challenging and the ?expectations that democracy would deliver were undoubtedly inflated? (Munck 2003: 166). However, it remains the most desired path to development.

Toleda (2010: 8) notes the work of the Global Centre for Development and Democracy (GCDD) which seeks to formulate policy recommendations considering the ?interrelationships among poverty reduction, social inclusion, economic growth and democracy, thus preventing the resurgence of authoritarian populism in the region?. Given the immaturity and inexperience of much of the regions? democratic systems and indeed political systems, there remains a risk or returning to authoritarian rule. Toleda (2010: 8) recognises the risk that poverty and inequality bring to an underdeveloped democracy, stating that ?poverty could truncate our economic prosperity and conspire against democracy?.

Given many of the political systems are new in comparison to Western standards, there is much institutional growth and development that is needed before Latin America can be deemed politically developed. Fairer and more efficient tax systems need to be sustained, as well as achieving a representative number of women and minority groups in governments (Toleda 2010 9-11). Bolivia is currently leading the way, having elected their first indigenous president in 2005 (BBC 2011). Furthermore, the Uruguayan President, Jose Mujica, is proving that the Western way is not always best; questioning the possibility of worldwide sustainable development if each country were to use resources like the West. He lives an austere lifestyle himself, donating about ninety percent of his monthly salary to charity (Hernandez 2012). Latin America is clearly not equally politically developed to the West, yet it is on the road to sustainable democracy. Whilst, on the whole, engaging and interacting with the worldwide arena, Latin America seeks to become self-helping by signing new trade and economic agreements such as MURCOSUR. Latin America remains autonomous enough as a region to abstain from blindly following Western models, and instead is set to carve its own unique path to political development.

Bibliography

Armijo, L. (2007) ?Leadership, Responsibility, Perhaps Democracy: New Thinking about Latin American Development?, Latin America Research Review, vol. 42, no. 2, pp. 202-211.

BBC, ?Profile: Bolivia?s President Evo Morales?, (12th January 2011) URL: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-12166905 [13th May 2013].

Clark, H, ?Sharing development experience between Latin America and Africa?, (29th May 2012) URL: http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/ourperspective/ourperspectivearticles/2012/05/29/sharing-development-experience-between-latin-america-and-africa-helen-clark.html [12th May 2013].

Daseking, C, Ghosh, A, Lane, T and Thomas, A. (2004) Lessons from the Crisis in Argentina, Washington: International Monetary Fund Publication Services.

Dayton-Johnson, J, Londo?o, J and Nieto-Parra, S, ?The Process of Reform in Latin America?, (October 2011) URL: http://0-www.oecd-ilibrary.org.wam.leeds.ac.uk/docserver/download/5kg3mkvfcjxv.pdf?expires=1368278405&id=id&accname=guest&checksum=45DFB4FDD956BBF8126EB6FE758D1180 [12th May 2013].

De Ferranti, D, Perry, G, Ferreira, F and Walton, M. (2004) Inequality in Latin America and the Caribbean: Breaking with History? Washington: The World Bank.

Flores-Mac?as, G. (2013) ?Mexico?s 2012 Elections: The Return of the PRI?, Journal of Democracy, vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 128-141.

Hagopian, F. (2000) ?Political Development, Revisited?, Comparative Political Studies, vol. 33, no. 6-7, pp. 880-911.

Hernandez, V, ?Jose Mujica: The World?s ?poorest? President?, (15th November 2012) URL: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-20243493 [10th May 2013].

Huntington, S. (1968) Political Order in Changing Societies, USA: Yale University Press.

Kaltwasser, C. (2011) ?Toward Post-Neoliberalism in Latin America??, Latin America Research Review, vol. 46, no. 2, pp. 225-234.

L?pez-Calvo, I. (2010) ?China in Latin America: The Whats and Wherefores?, China Review International, vol. 17, no. 2, pp. 230-236.

Munck, R. (2003) Contemporary Latin America, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

Philip, G. (2005) ?Democracy and Development in Latin America?, Latin America Research Review, vol. 40, no. 2, pp. 207-220.

Power, T and Cyr, J. (2010) ?Mapping Political Legitimacy in Latin America?, International Social Science Journal, vol. 60, no. 196, pp. 253-272.

Przeworski, A, Alvarez, M, Antonio Cheibub, J, Limongi, F. (2000) Democracy and Development, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sabatini, C. (2012) ?Rethinking Latin America: Foreign Policy is more than development?, Foreign Affairs, vol. 91, no. 2, pp. 8-13.

Schamis, H. (2002) ?Argentina: Crisis and Democratic Consolidation?, Journal of Democracy, vol. 13, no. 2, pp. 81-94.

Schatz, S. (2011) Murder and Politics in Mexico: Political Killings in the Partido de la Revoluci?n Democr?tica and its Consequences, New York: Springer.

Shirk, D. (2005) Mexico?s New Politics: The PAN and the Democratic Change, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

Solimano, A, ?The Challenge of African Development: A View from Latin America?, (December 2005) URL: http://www.fondad.org/uploaded/Africa%20in%20the%20World%20Economy/Fondad-AfricaWorld-Chapter3.pdf [12th May 2013].

Toledo, A. (2010) ?Latin America: Democracy with Development?, Journal of Democracy, vol. 21, no. 4, pp. 5-11.

Wiarda, H. (1989) ?Rethinking Political Development: A look Backward Thirty Years, And a Look Ahead?, Studies in Comparative Politics, vol. 24, no. 4, pp. 65-8.

Williamson, E. (2009) The Penguin History of Latin America, London: Penguin Group.

Wilson Sokhey, S. (2011) ?Political Development and Modernization?, In Ishiyama, J and Breuning, M (eds) 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook, London: Sage Publications Ltd.

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Written by: Olivia McQuillan
Written at: Loughborough University
Written for: Martin Farrell
Date written: May 2013

Source: http://www.e-ir.info/2013/08/01/latin-america-politically-unfinished-and-unfulfilled/

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Wednesday, July 31, 2013

Badgers football position preview: James White, Melvin Gordon ready to roll at running back

It sounds almost heretical to suggest the University of Wisconsin football team could lose Montee Ball and be just as good ? and possibly better ? at running back this season.

But that?s the goal of senior James White and sophomore Melvin Gordon, who are undaunted by the challenge facing them.

?Whenever somebody leaves, or it?s the next year, you always try to be better than the year before,? White said. ?We have a lot of talent still here.?

?I?m definitely excited,? Gordon said. ?With Montee leaving, we have to step up. My teammates, they?re probably worried, Montee?s gone. But that?s how it is when great players leave.

?I want to show them, me and James and the running back group we have now can handle the load.?

The Badgers had one of the best running back groups in the nation last season. Ball?s 1,830 rushing yards ranked third overall, while White finished with 806 and Gordon chipped in 621, with a 10.0 average per carry.

Despite some early problems in the offensive line, the Badgers ranked 13th nationally in rushing, averaging 236.4 yards per game.

Ball was a Heisman finalist in 2011 and won the Doak Walker Award as the nation?s best back in 2012. He broke the NCAA?s career record for touchdowns (83), and ranks second in school history in career rushing yards (5,140) and third in career average per carry (5.6).

Running backs coach Thomas Hammock is the one responsible for making sure nobody lowers the bar with Ball gone.

?He?s pushing all of us pretty hard,? Gordon said. ?He wants us to be the best group in the nation. We were, I feel, one of the best groups last year and we want to continue that as long as I?m here, as long as (Hammock?s) here and whoever comes in.

?He knows how he has to coach us to get there. It?s not easy. It?s difficult, obviously, but it pays off on game days.?

Ball was the hardest worker in the group the past two years, and the rest fell in line. Now, it?s up to White to lead the way.

White?s approach was so focused in the spring, Hammock had a hard time finding things to criticize. Given what a stickler Hammock is for the smallest details, that?s saying something.

?I call him a pro,? Hammock said. ?He?s a consistent pro, in my opinion. He shows up for work, he knows his assignments, he knows his job, he knows the details and he takes it seriously.

?I?m sure I?ve yelled at him once or twice, but I can?t remember the last time I really got on him.?

White is not the most vocal guy, so he is doing everything he can to lead by example.

?A lot of guys look up to me,? he said. ?I can?t be slacking off during any drills, because people are looking at me to see how to work. Practicing hard each and every day, consistency, is the best way to go.?

Gordon is like a young colt, brimming with possibilities and itching to run. While he was effective last season running jet sweeps, he?s excited about getting more work at tailback.

?There?s a big difference, going from a guy who plays a certain number of plays, to trying to be ?the guy? of the program,? Hammock said. ?There are a lot of expectations.?

One positive sign was how Gordon fought through an ankle injury to play in the spring game.

?It didn?t slow him down mentally, which really was impressive to me,? UW coach Gary Andersen said. ?The day he came back ? he knew the offense. There weren?t missed assignments, which is a credit to him and his ability to prepare when he?s going through an injury.?

With redshirt freshman Vonte Jackson out for the year with a third torn ACL and junior Jeff Lewis moving to safety, freshman Corey Clement will be asked to step in right away as the third back.

Clement, from Glassboro, N.J., finished high school with 6,245 rushing yards, 34 rushing touchdowns and 90 total TDs. He rushed for 2,323 yards and 33 touchdowns as a senior.

One way in which this year?s backs compare favorably with almost any other year is in the speed department. Gone are the days when UW was known for power backs who were almost the size of offensive linemen.

?I think we?ll probably have the fastest backfield we?ve had at Wisconsin in quite a while,? White said. ?I think that will allow our offense to make a lot of explosive plays down the field in the run game and the pass game.

?We?ll be able to do a lot of things, put me and Melvin in the backfield at the same time. You never know who?s going to get the football.?

The new coaches didn?t use two tailbacks together much in the spring, but that doesn?t mean it has been scrapped after the success it had last season

Look for the backs to also be heavily involved in the passing game. Sophomore Derek Watt, the returning starter at fullback, led all off the backs last season with 12 catches for 150 yards. Catching more passes is another way for the backs to increase their overall impact on the game.

?I?ve been doing this for four years now,? White said. ?I?m well-rounded. I feel I can catch out of the backfield, block, run between the tackle, pretty much do anything they put me out there to do.?

Source: http://host.madison.com/sports/college/football/badgers-football-position-preview-james-white-melvin-gordon-ready-to/article_ebf4eca6-01cf-59f7-96d0-1ebf3693460b.html

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Tuesday, July 30, 2013

Can Muslims write about Christianity?

A Fox television host finds something suspect about Reza Aslan's new book on the historical Jesus.

By Dan Murphy,?Staff writer / July 28, 2013

Naga Hamadi in Upper Egypt.

Ann Hermes

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American public discourse about Islam is filled with essentialist paranoia, fear, and the commentary of people who not only don't know much about the topic but are often dismissive of people who do.

Skip to next paragraph Dan Murphy

Staff writer

Dan Murphy is a staff writer for the Monitor's international desk, focused on the Middle East.?Murphy, who has reported from Iraq, Afghanistan, Egypt, and more than a dozen other countries, writes and edits Backchannels. The focus? War and international relations, leaning toward things Middle East.

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But the reception that scholar Reza Aslan received on Fox last Friday was a new twist: Muslim views of Christianity are inherently suspect, it seems. Mr. Aslan, who has a PhD in the sociology of religion from UCSB and a masters in theological studies from Harvard, is promoting his new book "Zealot: The Life and Times of Jesus of Nazareth" and was on with Fox religion correspondent Lauren Green to talk about it. He was born in Iran, his family fled the Islamic Revolution there in 1979, and he grew up in the US where he converted to Christianity as a teen and later converted back to the faith he was raised in.

Fox has been filled with Christian and Jewish commentators explaining Islam to their audience over the years. Daniel Pipes has been one of them. As has Ayaan Hirsi Ali, a former Muslim who became an atheist (an earlier version of this story incorrectly described Ms. Ali as a Christian) and who describes Islam as fundamentally violent and has written books attacking the faith. As have Pamela Geller and Robert Spencer, who both describe Islam as inherently violent. In the past, it's even had conspiracy theorist Glenn Beck give long expositions of the essence of Islamic law as he sees it.

None of those people are Muslims, yet as far as I'm aware their comments have never been questioned on the network as suspect since they came from non-Muslims. Yet his faith was a major talking point for Ms. Green in their interview. Her first question? "You're a Muslim, so why did you write a book about the founder of Christianity?"

He responds: "Well to be clear, I am a scholar of religions with four degrees ? including one in the New Testament, and fluency in biblical Greek, who has been studying the origins of Christianity for two decades ? who also just happens to be a Muslim. So it?s not that I?m just some Muslim writing about Jesus, I am an expert with a PhD in the history of religion..."

At this point Ms. Green breaks in: "But it still begs the question though of why you'd be interested in the founder of Christianity?"

Does it really beg that question? Not to me. And Green, a Christian, doesn't seem to think there's anything wrong about expressing her own opinions about Islam.

She wrote in 2011: "My area is religion, not politics. So my queries about Islamic terrorism tend to break the question down theologically and ask the question:"

is there something in Islam itself that makes believers more susceptible to radicalization?... I believe essentially there are three things that may make Islam more prone to radicalization. One is the Koran itself. The fact that it's not a narrative makes it easier to pick and choose verses to fit your interpretation. Two, the Prophet Mohammed's own words and deeds. In Islam's early days, Mohammed spread the faith with the sword. Three, Islam was introduced into a world rife with tribalism; a shame and honor culture which revered and respected power. Much of what's going in Libya and what went on under Saddam Hussein, are extensions of that tribalism.?

Green has a right to her opinions, of course. But they are ill-informed.

On her first point, while it's true that elements of the Quran have been emphasized at the expense of others by various Muslim schools and sects, that's also happened with Christianity. Elements of the Bible about slavery, the role of women, giving of alms, sexuality, and even snake handling and the speaking in tongues have been seized upon by various Christians down the centuries.

To say that Islam was spread by the sword is a gross oversimplification. While Mohamed and his followers conquered Mecca by force in 630, the earliest years of the faith were focused on peaceful proselytization. While Islamist conquests spread Islam throughout the Arab world after his death, Islam spread largely through trade and cultural contacts in strongholds of the faith like India, Pakistan, and Indonesia.

Her third point is particularly incoherent. While it's true that Islam, founded in the 7th century AD, "was introduced into a world rife with tribalism" the same is true for the advent of Christianity six hundred years earlier.

I'm interested in this topic because as someone who lived in Muslim majority countries from 1993 to 2008, I find the level of hostility to Islam back here in the US to be deeply frustrating. I have known Muslims with a wide range of political views. I have met some who I'd describe as terrorists, others whose political views, informed by their faith, I find profoundly regressive and disrespectful of fundamental individual rights ??and many more who were thoughtful, open-minded and respectful of other creeds.

Yet frequently the US mass media places Muslims all in one box and it's not only inaccurate, but also harmful to a real understanding of the world and its problems.

Ms. Green's interview with Aslan is a premier example. Her first question clearly implies that Aslan ??whose book is controversial ? has some kind of agenda, something suspicious. His answer to her, expounding on his academic credentials and the fact that as a scholar he's interested in religions (plural), not just his own faith, is spot on.

He tells her: "It would be like asking a Christian why they would write a book about Islam.... I've been obsessed for Jesus for 20 years." He also points out that his wife and his mother are Christians, and says that "anyone who thinks this book is an attack on Christianity has not read it yet."

But Green presses on, quoting a Fox op-ed by Christian pastor John S. Dickerson, who wrote: "Media reports have introduced Aslan as a 'religion scholar' but have failed to mention that he is a devout Muslim."?

Really? On July 16, the excellent WNYC host Brian Lehrer had Aslan on and mentioned his faith before asking the first question: "Just some background on you first. You come from Iran originally, you've been through Christianity and Sufi Islam among your personal beliefs. Are you a practicing anything today?" Aslan responded: "Yeah, I'm definitely a Muslim and Sufism is the tradition within Islam that I most closely adhere to."?

I'm sure other interviews and reviews have failed to mention his faith. But, well, so what? This is a classic case of attacking the man, and not the argument.

Make no mistake Aslan does have an agenda. He has written a book about the historicity of Jesus, and attempts to locate Jesus as a figure of historical study have always been profoundly controversial, particularly for people who believe in Jesus Christ, the son of God and savior of mankind. Will there be scholarly criticisms of the book, saying he's gotten it wrong? Inevitably. His book is just the latest entry into the scholarly debate over the historical Jesus.

Green appears confused ??or perhaps angry about ??the separation of scholarship and belief (she herself is a devout Christian who was brought up in the African Methodist Episcopal Church).

"You're promoting yourself as a scholar and I've interviewed scholars who have written books on the resurrection, on the real Jesus ... who are looking at the same information that you're saying is somehow different from theirs is really not being honest here," she charges.

Aslan answers back: "I think it's unfair to just simply assume because of my particular faith background that there is some agenda on this book ??that would be like saying a Christian who writes about Muhammad is by definition not able to do so because he has some bias against it."

Green responds: "I believe you've been on several programs and have never disclosed that you're a Muslim and I think that there's an interest in full disclosure." To that he said: "Ma'am, the second page of my book, the second page of my books says I'm a Muslim ... it's simply incorrect that media isn't saying I'm a Muslim."

Source: http://rss.csmonitor.com/~r/feeds/csm/~3/n2MryKvKz58/Can-Muslims-write-about-Christianity

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Saturday, July 27, 2013

two Os + more: Weekly Capture LVII


July has been a Full Speed Ahead type month for us. First we had a family trip to Lake George in the Adirondacks to spend time with LegenDaddy's family as accounted in this post. Arriving home for exactly one week, we smooshed in a whole lotta laundry plus packing our household items in prepping to move AND repacking for yet another trip.

As you might have seen, last Friday I had to slow down?(while on vacation - imagine that!) since we forgot the laptop at home. We just arrived home from our epic trip this past Wednesday evening, and it's been nonstop still as we finish up packing and getting ready to receive the keys to our new house this coming Sunday. By the time all this is over, I am going to need a daylong nap. At least.

Our trip was not only epic, but it was so, so much fun. Over 10 days, we stayed in 5 different places, visiting near a hundred family members and bestest of friends, and despite my insane tiredness at this point, I wouldn't trade any of it. I only wish I could have lengthened each stop, so we could have spent more time with each person(s).

First up, we stopped in Maryland, somewhat close to DC, to visit my Aunt + Uncle and 2 of my cousins with a chance meeting with another cousin + her husband - they were about to leave right as we arrived. Fabulous conversation and love abound in this household and it is such a pleasure to always stop in to visit. Plus, they never turn down a good board/card game. This visit included two rounds of the game:?BANG. I like to think of it as Cowboys and Indians meet Mafia in card game form. I'm pretty sure we'll be obtaining our own copy before the year is out.

Next, we traveled south and further east to Chincoteague Island in Virginia. LegenDaddy's parents usually get down there and rent a house for a week or two each year. This is the 2nd time we've been able to join them - perfect this time that we were already planning a trip in that direction on the right dates. It's a bustling vacation town in the summer, but still offers plenty of opportunity to slow down and just enjoy life. And so much beach time - it was very fun to share my love of the ocean with the boyOs. Plus LegenDaddy is a great lover of both water and sand, so he willingly made a katrillion sandcastles for the boyOs to demolish. Many of the photos I shared in last week's?post?were from our 2.5 days there. We were able to stop in Colonial Williamsburg for a few hours in betwixt Chincoteague and the next stop. The weather was God awful HOT, so we only stayed for a bit. Plus it costs a small fortune to actually access the majority of the buildings, so we decided to just eat lunch at a tavern, visit a general store, and stick our limbs in the stocks with plans to visit for a few days sometime in the future.
The climax of the trip (and the reason for picking these dates) was my cousin Janice's wedding in VA. Most of the hundred people I mentioned us seeing were seen in the two days we spent celebrating her nuptials. When my family has a wedding, it's a HUGE affair: rehearsal dinner thrown by the groom's fam including a pig roast, pool time with multiple cousins, wedding mass that was standing room only, and a 350+ person reception at a lovely plantation home overlooking the Chesapeake Bay. In case you were wondering of the awesomeness of my family - in the above photo the bride + groom have joined many members of my family and a few others for a rousing rendition of Gilbert + Sullivan's "Catlike Tread" from Pirates of Penzance.
Of course, the party couldn't end there, so there was an AfterParty complete with port + cigars, crab eating, and live impromptu band playing PLUS mass + brunch the next morning. It was fabulous, and though I know I said "Hi" to everyone, the time spent there was much too short. Thankfully, another somebody or other is bound to get married within the next 2-3 years, and we'll do it all over again.
Sunday post-Brunch, we traveled further south to Norfolk area to see my maternal grandparents. Most of the time was spent with my Nana as my grandfather (affectionately named 'Gandy' by me at age 1) has Alzheimer's and has recently needed to be put in a full care home. I thankfully did get to go see him, and though hard, the moments with him were very sweet and special. My Nana might as well be 25 with all the energy she has bundled up inside her - she was down playing with my boyOs on the floor, taking us out on day trips to the Aquarium and the Zoo, and stayed up til the late hours telling me beautiful stories of family from days gone by. I also was able to do some work on a personal photography project I have wanted to do - documenting their home and my grandfather's personal items in Still Life photos. Another too short visit, but I am still SO glad we made it down there.
Lastly, we stopped in Baltimore, MD area to visit one of my favorite friends and definite kindred spirits. Kaely + I met on a pro-life missions trip to Ireland waaaay back when we were seniors in high school. ?We both were in each other's weddings, and since then we've had our kiddos at roughly the same times. ?However, she is ahead of me right now and expecting her 3rd in the Fall. Once again, I wish we'd had way more time with her sweet family (our husbands happen to get along superbly as well), and our kids warmed up to one another almost immediately.
And home. My house is such a mess. Baskets of laundry. Piles of boxes - packed and half-packed. A still empty fridge - my kids are overly gracious in what they are willing to eat. Thanks for listening to my ridiculously looooong update on our travels. When I next write one of these Weekly Captures, we shall already be on our way to moving into our new house. Pictures shall accompany. =)

Out of the Mouth of Dom

"I'm gonna get married one day, so I need to be Captain America!"
"Janice needs protecting, so she's gonna marry Will?because he is Captain America."

Dom's thoughts the morning of the wedding nuptials?

My B

Soooo, right before the epic trip, B up and popped two molars through. Then he slept through the night twice in a row. The trip kinda ruined that trend, but maybe it'll start up again now that we're in our own beds again. Poor boy was so active and crazy and adventurous on our trip that he got 3 bloody noses. they all stopped as quick as they started, but still we managed to hit several articles of clothing. Most of the time, his shyness kept him back from new people and crowds, but he managed to overcome it once getting to know new faces, and all in all, I'd say he warmed up pretty well.?

With words, he's working hard to articulate sounds and eliminate signing. He now says "Yesh" (Yes), "Puzz" (Please), and "Up." I am pretty sure I've also heard variations on truck, car, dog, and more as well.

Checked off our Summer Bucket List

? Swim in ocean

? Play Mini Golf

Links I thoroughly enjoyed So You Guys Are Done, Right??:: Catholic All Year Big families, all around! A mom's take on what helped her deal with the not-so-nice questions and tips to be encouraged.
Stuff + Nonsense?:: The Hopeful Starfish A post from a friend IRL about not letting the "extra" on the internet take away precious time.

Want to follow my blog??It's easy - subscribe via the RSS or email links in the top righthand corner.?

All rights reserved.??Sarah G. Ortiz

::This blog post may contain Amazon Affiliate links.?

By clicking through to make a purchase, you help to financially support TO+M::

Source: http://twoortizesplusmore.blogspot.com/2013/07/weekly-capture-lvii.html

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Swimming, Swimming, in the Swimming Pool | Goldman Union ...

By Rachel Lyon

Pool Director

?

Shalom! My name is Rachel Lyon, and I am the pool director this summer. I started going to camp in 2001 as a Garin camper, and I have gone every year since. This is my fourth summer on staff at GUCI! Counselors Hannah Banks, Rachel Houser, Demi Levitch, and Adrianna Schneider make up the Pool Team who assist in instructional swim and guarding during normal swimming times, along with a rotating group of Avodahnikim.

Geza practicing their diving!

Geza practicing their diving!

The pool is frequented by each unit every day. Shoresh, Geza, and Anaf have one-hour programs at the pool in the afternoon. Shoresh and Geza also have instructional swim three days a week to improve and refine their swimming skills. Instructional swim is one of the few times at camp where counselors can immediately see the improvement of each camper right in front of their eyes. Improvement is fulfilling to watch and it is a heartening feeling to know you helped make that happen. On the other days, they have an hour of free swim. On Friday, we have all-camp free swim and on Saturday the pool is open from 1:30-4:00 PM for anyone wishing to relax by and in the water during Shabbat.

We have two different swimming pools the campers can use. We have a total of two diving boards, an AquaClimb (in-pool climbing wall), and two different water slides. The campers love the AquaClimb, and challenge themselves to climb up using only their arms, or by timing themselves.

The AquaClimb is a favorite part of the pool!

The AquaClimb is a favorite part of the pool!

The pool is easily many campers? favorite place on camp and favorite part of the day. Some cabins use the pool during chaveroot, for bunk night, and for evening programs. This year, the sports program also uses the pool twice a week in the mornings, to play water polo and other sports games in the pool. The campers love when there is an extra hour of programming at the pool!

This is my fourth summer on staff and my second working at the pool. I wanted to be pool director this summer in order to improve upon the instructional swim curriculum and be able to spend time with all the campers on camp, not just a specific unit. In my opinion, I have the best job on camp because not only do I get to be in charge of many campers? favorite place, but I also get to interact with each of them on a daily basis!

Overall, the pool is an essential part of the GUCI experience. Whether it is instructional swim or a bunk night activity, the pool is a place where campers have fun with not only their cabin, but also their unit and the rest of camp.

Four square is a favorite land game to play at the pool!

Four square is a favorite land game to play at the pool!

Source: http://blogs.rj.org/guci/2013/07/25/swimming-swimming-in-the-swimming-pool/

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Friday, July 26, 2013

Chinese takeover of Smithfield Foods garners additional review phase

Smithfield Foods said Wednesday its proposed acquisition by a Chinese pork company has moved to an additional phase of review by a panel of U.S. regulators.

The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States opted for an extended review of the transaction lasting up to 45 days following its customary 30-day period, according to a Smithfield news release. Echoing past statements, the company said its confident its deal with Shuanghui International, which was announced in late May, will be successfully completed later this year.

"(T)he inter-agency committee reviews proposed foreign acquisitions of U.S. companies for potential national security concerns while continuing to facilitate the open investment policy of the United States," Smithfield said of CFIUS," Smithfield said.

Following a standard 30-day review, the company continued, "CFIUS has the option to extend the process for a period not to exceed an additional 45 days."

The company said it has no plans to comment on the CFIUS reviews beyond the occasional technical explanations of how they works, citing that the process is confidential.

The panel traditionally examines national security implications of foreign takeovers of U.S. companies ? whether a foreign company, for example, is attempting to buy a company with facilities close to sensitive military sites or with employees who routinely access such locations.

The proposed Smithfield deal, however, has prompted federal lawmakers including Rep. J. Randy Forbes, R-Chesapeake, to call for the Department of Agriculture and the Food and Drug Administration to be part of the review panel due to concerns about the country's food supply.

Smithfield is the largest hog farmer and pork processer in the world and controls large chunks of the domestic market share in both sectors.

For more on this story check http://www.dailypress.com and read tomorrow's Daily Press

Source: http://dailypress.feedsportal.com/c/34257/f/656251/s/2f19e3fd/sc/24/l/0L0Sdailypress0N0Cnews0Cbreaking0Cdp0Enws0Esmithfield0Efoods0Ecfius0Eupdate0E20A130A7250H0A0H36424490Bstory0Dtrack0Frss/story01.htm

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